Science in Christian Perspective
The Contribution of Gordon Allport (1897-1967) to the Psychology of
Religion*
H. NEWTON MALONY
Graduate School of Psychology Fuller Theological Seminary Pasadena,
California
From: JASA 23 (September 1971): 99-104.
Since the time of William James, there have been very few renowned psychologists who studied the psychology of religion. Gordon Allport wrote extensively in this area and felt that the religious sentiment was an important aspect of personality structure. A summary of his contributions to the field is given here. First, Allport emphasized the unique meaning of religion in his study of the growth and development of faith in the individual. As in his personality theory, he prefers the study of the meaning of religion to the individual, rather than a comparison of one person's religion to another's. Next, Allport studied the meaning of religious maturity and compared intrinsic with extrinsic faith. The intrinsic, or mature, person values religion for its own sake, while the extrinsic, or immature person, values religion for what it can do for him. He found that the extrinsically oriented persons were more inclined to be racially prejudiced than those who were intrinsically oriented. Lastly, Allport contributed two important scales to the measurement of religion. His study of values compares the relative importance of religion in the life of a person while his religious orientation scale measures the extrinsic-intrinsic dimension. Both of these have provoked much research. The relative importance of Allport to contemporary concerns is also noted.
1967 was a fateful year for the science of psychology. At least four
of its outstanding
leaders died: George A. Kelly, Wolfgang Kohler, Kenneth W. Spence, and Gordon
W. Allport. While Kelly had written on "Sin and
Psychotherapy" (1962),
only Allport among this group had a sustained interest in the
psychology of religion.
Kelly's (1955) major concern had been with the model of the scientist
for personality
functioning. Kohler (1959) was best known for his demonstration of insight as
it applied to Gestalt theory. Spence (1956) was concerned with the extension of
Hullian's learning theory. Allport, however, while primarily known
for his interest
in personality theory (1937, 1950, 1955, 1960, 1961, and 1968), was
also interested
in the psychology of religion. Although Pettigrew (1969) in his
obituary of Allport
mentions this interest only in passing, an examination of Allport's
bibliography
reveals that he wrote two books (1950, 1960) and ten articles (1944,
1946a, 1948b,
1952a, 1959, 1960, 1963, 1966, 1967a, 1967b), on the subject. In addition, he
discusses religion in at least sixteen other publications (1931, 1937a, 1937b,
1940, 1942, 1946h, 1948a, 1952b, 1954, 1955, 1960a, 1961a, 1961b, 1964, 1966a,
1966b).
Since Allport was a renowned psychologist and since he made a
significant contribution
to the psychology of religion, a summary of his ideas seems appropriate. This
essay will concern itself with this task.
Biographical Data
Allport was a distinguished academician. He taught psychology at Harvard from
1924-1966, except for four years during which he was at Dartmouth. According to
his autobiography, he probably taught the first course on personality
in the United
States at Harvard in 1924. He became known as the dean of American personality
theorists. He was chairman of Harvard's department of psychology for a time and
was president of the American Psychological Association in 1939.
Little is known about Allport's own religious experience. He refers to his home
as one characterized by "plain Protestant piety and hard
work" and his
mother as one who ". . . brought to her sons an eager sense of
philosophical
questioning and the importance of searching for ultimate religious
answers"
(1968, p. 379). He was very active in social service during college
and perceived
himself as replacing the doctrines of his childhood with "some
sort of humanitarian
religion" (1968, p. 380). He taught in Constantinople the year
after receiving
his bachelor's degree in the then equivalent of today's Peace Corps.
Several years
later he reacted to this "essentially Unitarian position" (1968, p.
380) because he perceived it exalted his own intelligence. lIe felt this was a
"cheap" way out of the dilemma. Although we do not know
where this insight
led him, he does indicate the direction his faith took by writing,
"Humility
and some mysticism, I felt, were indispensable to me; otherwise I
would be victimized
by my own arrogance" (1968, p. 380). Like William James before
him, he appeared
to embrace a most meaningful private faith. Although he does not report it of
himself, it is known that he was an active member
of the Episcopal church.
In his autobiography he speaks of his persistent concern with
studying "personality,
which is composed chiefly of generic attitudes, values and
sentiments. Therefore,
the prejudice-complex, the religious sentiment, the phenomenological ego, and
one's philosophy of life are important subterritories to explore in individual
lives" (italics mine) (1968, p. 402). As he said earlier, (1950), in the
preface of The Individual and his Religion, ". . . I have undertaken the
task of discovering the place of religion in the life economy of the
individual"
(p. vi). A final quote illustrates his viewpoint regarding the
positive contribution
of religion to personality development. He says
... I am seeking to trace the full course of religious development in the normally mature and productive personality. I am dealing with the psychology, not with the psychopathology of religion . . . . Many personalities attain a religious view of life without suffering arrested development and without self-deception (1950, p. viii).
Allport's contributions: (1) the growth and development of religion in the individual; (2) the definition of religous maturity; (3) the measurement of religious dimensions.
With the above comments in mind, I propose to discuss the
contribution of Allport
to three areas of the psychology of religion. They are: 1) the growth
and development
of religion in the individual; 2) the definition of religious maturity; and 3)
the measurement of religious dimensions.
The Growth and Development of Religion in the Individual
Each person's religious faith is unique according to Allport. In spite of the
fact that certain people are called by the same denominational name and repeat
the same creed, religion means something different to each one of them. Allport
treats religion as he does personality traits. It is possible to call
two people
"sincere" just as it is possible to call two people
"Christian",
but the labels are conveniences which obscure uniqueness. Real events
are idiographic
(individual) rather than nomothetic (group). In the final analysis,
proper study
is of the individual. As Allport said,
there are as many varieties of religious experience as there are religiously inclined mortals upon the earth (1950, p. 27).
Therefore, it is more appropriate to examine diaries, listen to
private prayers,
read personal statements of faith than to compare persons by adding up answers
to yes-no tests. Allport pioneered in advocating the use of
"personal documents"
(1942) for understanding persons.
With regard to development, Allport suggested each person's faith has
been shaped
by "1) his bodily needs, 2) his temperament 3) his psychogenic interests
and values, 4) his pursuit of rational explanation, and 5) his
response to surrounding
culture" (1950, p. 9).
This is to say that each of these variables help determine the unique faith a
person comes to have. There are common roots of religion. Yet, as has
been said,
no two people's faith is alike-each is unique. The laws of
understanding are idingraphic,
or individual. A person's faith is part of his unique adjustment to
life and his
response to the various forces mentioned above. It has its own inner
laws within
the economy of his life. Pruyser (1960) suggested that this emphasis
no the ways
religion functions in the individual life was the psychoanalytic contribution
to the psychology of religion. He does not mention Allport's
theorizing; however,
it is obvious that Allport's ideas parallel the psychoanalytic emphasis. It may
have been difficult for Pruyser to recognize Allport's value because
of Allport's
consistent criticism of the psychoanalytic model as based too much on
unconscious
motivations and infantile habit patterns. Allport preferred to think of man as
determined by conscious thoughts and as outgrowing his childhood
motives. To these
we now turn in discussing Allport's contribution to a definition of religious
maturity.
A Definition of Religious Maturity
Religious maturity is based on two processes Ailport suggests are inherent in
normal development. The first is "functional autonomy"
(1937). The second
is "propriate striving" (1955). Both are integrally related
to the above
discussion of the roots of religion and conscious determination.
Allport (1937) insisted adult motives could not be reduced to or explained in
terms of childhood needs. While all behavior is dynamic (motivated, caused), it
becomes free from its early sources in growth and maturation. Instead of being
a habit that is carried over from childish dependency, the mature
religions sentiment
is motivated by adult, conscious values. He admits early conscience
is a function
of the fear of punishment. Further, childhood views of God do
resemble a projected
father image. Yet, mature conscience is guilty not for the things it has done
against parental wishes, but for things it ought to do for the sake of values
it holds dear. Mature faith is seen as the search for meaning beyond
all self-seeking.
Thus, he suggests an attribute of mature religion is the "derivative yet
dynamic nature of the mature sentiment" (Allport, 1950, p. 63).
As he states,
Immature religion, whether in adult or child, is largely concerned with magical thinking, self-justification, and creature comfort. Thus it betrays its sustaining motives still to be the drives and desires of the body. By contrast, mature religion is less of a servant, and more of a master, in the economy of life. No longer goaded and steered exclusively by impulse, fears, and wishes, it tends rather to control and direct these motives toward a goal that is no longer determined by mere self interest (Allport, 1950, p. 63).
This is "functional autonomy".
"Propriate striving" is the ego-involved, intentional,
conscious, self-actualizing
basis for mature behavior. Mature behavior is "pulled" from
the future,
rather than "pushed" from the past. The character of the
"pull"
in mature behavior is what is referred to by the term
"proprium". This
is that integrating force of personality which orients behavior
toward those events
that make long-range, lifetime, self-determining goals come true.
Allport was aware that human effort has its
limits and science its inadequacies. He implied that the values men strive for
must be seen as coming from a transcendent source for them to be worthwhile. He
likewise, indicated that life requires all men to go beyond verifiable evidence
and seek solutions to the enigmas of life. Thus he does not see
religion as "a
prelogical prelude to empirical and scientific thinking" (1950,
p. 18). Rather
it is a legitimate part of experience in all generations. Like C. Jung, Allport
senses that at a certain point in life all men seek answers to
questions regarding
the meaning and destiny of life. Many men find these answers in
religion. He suggested
that "living in harmony with a unifying philosophy of life"
was a characteristic
of the mature personality (Allport, 1961).
More than any of his predecessors in the field, Allport made a place
for reason,
He acknowledged the positive contribution of doubt (1950) and
indicated a characteristic
of mature faith was that it was "well differentiated",
i.e., critically
articulated and conceived. He said the mature religious sentiment was
"ordinarily
fashioned in the workshop of doubt" (Allport, 1950, p. 73). He thought the
belief changes that occur during the college years (Allport, 1948) were part of
a necessary developmental process which lead to maturity. Thus
religion was much
more than a feeling. It was a striving toward rational conceptualization of the
crises of life in order that meaning might be found. As he stated, a
mature "individual
knows with precision his attitude toward the chief phases of
theoretical doctrine
and the principal issues in the
moral spheres (Allport, 1950, p. 58).
This self-actualizing dynamic makes religion serve self motives.
Bertocci (1940)
criticized this view of motivation because it did not allow for
entirely new motives
(such as would come from revelation or insight) to become a part of
man's behavior.
Allpnrt (1940) maintained that man's self enhancing dynamics were
continuous with
past experience. At the same time they functioned free from these determinants
and became directed toward the realization of one's self. The self
was continually
being reconstructed throughout life. The critical issue for the psychology of
religion remains the one toward which Bertocci (1940) wrote, namely, does man
discover the self he wants to be? If so, how does this occur? If not, can he be
given a new sell toward which to strive, as in revelation?
Suffice it to say, the mature religious sentiment for Allport becomes
ego involving
and the degree to which it becomes the "master motive" is a measure
of its maturity. He suggests words like "integral",
"comprehensive",
and "heuristic" for this dimension. The more mature a person's faith,
the more his life and behavior will be subsumed under it and
interpreted in light
of it.
One of the areas in which Allport has been most interested has been
the relationship
between prejudice and religion (1954, 1966, and 1967). He was puzzled
by the research
finding that there was a positive correlation between attending
church and being
racially prejudiced. He reasoned that religion's emphasis on the brotherhood of
man should remove, rather than cause, prejudice. He found that in reality those
who attended with great frequency and those who did not attend at all
were least
prejudiced. Those who attended irregularly were the most prejudiced. The
earlier reports obscured his curvilinear relationship. He and Ross (1967) began
to search for the experiential and motivational variables to explain
this phenomenon.
They conceived of differing levels of religious maturity termed Extrinsic and
Intrinsic. They reasoned that the immature faith was Extrinsic in its
orientation
in that it used religion for its own ends and was directed toward
security, status,
and selfjustification. In addition, the Extrinsically oriented person took the
creed lightly and never really gave up selfish interests. Mature religion would
be Intrinsic, they continued. This meant a faith in which the person
internalized
the creed, and lived his religion. Further, religion became the master motive
for those Intrinsically motivated. They did not use religion-they lived it.
Among a sample of religious persons, Allport and Ross (1967) found
that the more
Extrinsic an individual's religious orientation, the more prejudiced
he was. Thus
a measure of religious maturity helped to explain the relations
between religion
and prejudice.
The Measurement of Religion
The last major contribution Allport made to the psychology of religion was in
constructing scales for measuring religion. Hall and Lindxey (1957) feel that
one of the weaknesses of Allport's theorizing is that he generated
little research.
This may reflect a prejudice against the subject of religion on their
part because
Allport has stimulated much research with his Study of Values (Allport, Vernon,
Lindzey, 1960) and his Religious Orientation Scales (Allport and
Ross, 1967).
The Study of Values was first published in 1931 with P. E. Vernon. A
third edition
in 1960 included revisions authored by C. Lindzey. This is a forty-five item,
forced choice scale in which a person's preferences for types of activity are
measured. These preferences are theoretically related to six master motives or
dominant values in life. The rationale for these values came from E. Spranger,
Types of Man (1928), with whom Allport studied in Germany in 1923.
Spranger suggested
there were six types of man. They are described as follows:
Theoretical: Characterized by a dominant interest in the discovery of truth and by an empirical, critical, rational, "intellectual" approach.
Economic: Emphasizing useful and practical values; conforming closely to the prevailing stereotype of the "average American businessman."
Aesthetic: Placing the highest value an form and barmnny; judging and enjoying each unique experience from the standpoint of its grace, symmetry, or fitness. Social: Originally defined as love of people, this category has been more narrowly limited in later revisions of the test to cover only altruism and philanthropy.
Political: Primarily interested in personal power, influence, and renown; not necessarily limited to the field of politics.
Religious: Mystical, concerned with the unity of all experience, and seeking to comprehend the cosmos as a whole. (Anastasi, 1968, p. 488).
Of interest is the evidence that Allport agreed with Spranger who put the importance of striving to know God and to find a unified view of life alongside striving for knowledge, beauty, power, riches, and service. It has been said that the test is a beautiful blend of American empiricism and European rationalism, His efforts toward empirically measuring the relative strength of the religious value have resulted in a scale which has been widely used in research (Hundlely, 1965). The Study of Values (1931, 1951, 1960) has been found to be related to occupational choice (Mowardi, 1952), college course of study (Sternberg, 1953), perceptual recognition of value oriented words (Postman, Bruner, McCinnies, 1948), denominational affiliation (Pyron, 1961), and longitudinal consistency of values (Bender, 1958; Kelly, 1955). According to Hunt (1968), the person who scores high on the "Religious" scale is an activist who approaches religion intellectually and rationally. Further, he endorses traditional forms of religious institutions and seeks to apply religious principles in daily life. That social science should consider this a positive value to be measured is due in large measure to the genius of Allport.
One of the areas in which Aliport has been most interested has been the relationship between prejudice and religion.
Of equal importance has been Allport's distinction of the Extrinsic-intrinsic
dimension in religion and his subsequent attempts to measure it via
the Religious
Orientation Scale (Allport and Ross, 1967). This distinction was
previously noted
in the discussion of religious maturity and prejudice. Two of
Allport's students
(Wilson, 1960, and Feagin, 1964) developed scales to measure these
Extrinsic-Intrinsic
approaches to religion. Allport and Ross' (1967) Religious
Orientation Scale was
based on a larger norm group and is a refinement of these earlier measures. It
is a set of twenty statements which measure the degree to which a person agrees
or believes certain ideas about religion. It assesses the extent to
which a person
values religion because of what it does for him, or because of its worth in and
of itself. The scale distinguishes between the utilitarian and the
absolute value
of one's faith. As may be remembered, Allport (1961) suggests that
life is integrated
and behavior is directed toward others by mature faith. This is Intrinsic, as
opposed to Extrinsic religion. The latter is characterized by the fragmented,
selfish use of religion. It has been hypothesized and demonstrated
that a relationship
exists between Extrinsic religion and the tendency to be prejudiced
(Wilson, 1960;
Feagin, 1964; Allport and Ross, 1967; Tisdale, 1966, and Tisdale, 1967).
While the Religious Orientation Scale has not been standardized, it has generated
much research and has become an integral part of theorizing about the meaning
of religious commitment (King, 1967; Corsuch, 1966). Among similar distinctions
now being discussed is that of consensual versus committed religious
faith (Allen
and Spilka, 1967).
Allport's contribution is important because it is grounded in a
theory of personality
which includes a positive place for religion in its definition of
individual maturity.
One of the incidental findings of the Allport and Ross (1967)
research is interesting.
It was not possible to tell by some subjects' scores on the Religious Orienta
tion Scale whether these persons had an Extrinsic or Intrinsic attitude toward
their faith. The scale is constructed in such a manner that one is expected to
agree with certain items and disagree with others. The relative
number of Extrinsic
or Intrinsic items with which one agrees supposedly measures the
emphasis on one
or the other orientation. However, certain subjects agreed with all the items.
For example, they said they went to church because their neighbors
would see them
(an Extrinsic item) and because they found the meaning of their lives there (an
Intrinsic item). These people Allport and Ross (1967) called the
Indiscriminately
Pro Religious. They endorse religion for any and all reasons. This was seen to
be a cognitive syle reflecting excessive width in categorizing and
undifferentiated
thinking. The Indiscriminately Pro Religious were found to be more prejudiced
than either Extrinsic or Intrinsic Religious persons. This phenomenon
is now being
researched as an important variable in its own right.
Conclusion
Dittes (1969) suggests that the psychology of religion is still in a primitive
stage of development. He calls for theory and research in four areas:
1) The definition of religion and a delineation of religions units and variables for study. 2) The relationship between religions behavior and social attitudes. 3) The interrelation of religion and personality characteristics. 4) The development and function of religious belief.
Gordon Allport made a contribution to most, if not all, of these areas. Mention
has been made of his theory about the unique growth of the religious sentiment
in the individual which pertains to area four. Further, his delineation of the
dimensions of religious maturity and its function in personality
integration pertains
to area three. Again, his studies of religion and prejudice pertain
to area two.
Only area one, the definition of religion has not mentioned. Yet,
even here, Allport
contributed to the field. He defined the religious sentiment as,
a disposition, built up through experience, to respond favorably, and
in certain
habitual ways, to conceptual objects and principles that the individual regards
as permanent or central in the nature of things (1950, p. 56).
The Indiscriminately Pro Religious were found to be more prejudiced than either Extrinsic or Intrinsic Religious persons.
This definition is one of the most adequate contemporary statements
of the William
James (1902, 1958) tradition which emphasizes individual experience.
It is consistent
with Allport's general emphases in personality theory.
Truly, Allport left a legacy which will stimulate the field for years to come.
As Pettigrew (1969, p. 6) said,
As a young science, American psychology has not had many men whose renown exceeds the confines of the
discipline. But Gordon Allport was such a man to whom the profession can point with pride. For his professional colleagues, he widened the perceived alternatives open to the field. For the public he made psychology applicable to the problems of his time . . . . He was recognized in his lifetime as a great psychologist and will certainly be remembered.
Few in the psychology of religion would disagree with this assessment.
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*This paper was delivered to the Faculty Fellowship of Fuller Theological Seminary in June, 1970.