Science in Christian Perspective
Ecstaticism as a Background for Glossolalia
WATSON E. MILLS
Department of Philosophy and Religion
Averett College Danville, Virginia 24541
The significance of the experience of glossolalia would be much easier to grasp if some of the questions about its origin could be answered. Interpretation of tongue-speech would be greatly facilitated if examples of similar phenomena could be gleaned from the extant literature for comparison. The purpose of this study is to investigate certain materials with that goal in mind, Since there is a close correlation between ecstatic prophecy and glossolalia the study includes a treatment of ecstaticism both within and outside the Hebraic tradition.
Ecstaticism Outside the Old Testament
The earliest report of ecstaticism that included frenzied speech is
found in the
report of Wenamon, an Egyptian who journied through Palestine and
Phoenicia about
1117 B.C. While in Byblos he wrote this account of his experiences:
Now when he sacrificed to his gods-, the god seized one of his noble
youths, making
him frenzied, so that he said:
"Bring [the god] hither! Bring the messenger of Amon who hath him. Send him, and let him go."
Now, while the frenzied [youth] continued in frenzy during this night, I found a ship bound for Egypt, and I loaded all my belongings into it. I waited for the darkness, saying: "When it descends I will embark the god also, in order that no other eye may see him."l
The attention that is focused upon this frenzied youth sems to indicate that in
Cebal such ecstatic utterances were thought to be of divine origin.2 Moreover,
the report indicates that he was a devout worshipper of Amon and that
his speech
contained some
words that were understandable.
About the end of the second millennium before Christ, there occurred a revival
of the worship of Dionysus. This movement spread rapidly over Greece
and Syria-Palestine.3
The devotees experienced a kind of religious rapture or ecstasy whose closest
analogy would be found in physical intoxication.4 Such was the
essence of Dionysian
religion. In the service of their god the Bacchanals drank wine until
they became
intoxicated. The wine they drank was for them the very quintessence
of the divine
life.-" Their enthusiasm was quite literally a matter of having
the god within
themselves, of being full of and completely possessed by their god.
The Dionysiacs
have been likened to the participants at revival meetings-"and these of a
very emotional and exciting sort."
The ecstatic nature of the Dionysiac cult is parent in this description:
The dances in honor of Dionysus were usually held at night time by torchlight and were preceded by fasting. They were accompanied by the weird music of wind instruments and the clashing of tambourines. Mingled with this strange music were the shouts of the Bacchan als themselves as they waved their torches in the darkness, thus giving to the scene an unearthly light. The dances were wild and irregular and were characterized by a tossing of the head and a violent whirling bodily motion. Thus by the very movements of the dance a physical frenzy was quickly induced, quite as the "dancing dervishes" of Mohammedanism lose control of themselves in the delirium of their ritual.7
Euripides, in the play Bacchae, tells how these Dionysiac worshippers longed for this ecstatic experience.
Ah, shall my white feet in the dances gleam
The live-long night again? Ah, shall I there
Float through the Bacchanal's ecstatic dream,
Tossing my neck in the dewy air;8
It is at this point that Israelite ecstaticism is somewhat akin to the ecstatic
frenzy of the Dionysiac worshippers. In fact, W. F. Albright suggests that the
legendary Bacchantic irruption into Greece of which Euripides wrote,
and the prophetic
movement in Israel may have a common historical source.9 Although
such an hypothesis
is both sociologically and psychologically credible, it is plainly evident that
Yahwistic ecstaticism followed a very different line of development after the
eleventh century.
Actually, the Yahwistic movement probably arose partly as a reaction
against ecstaticism.'°
Such a theory seems tenable in light of the relationship of the Dionysiac and
Appollonian art forms in both religion and culture in Greece. The relationship
between these two forces in art, for example, was one of tension. The Dionysiac
artist was ecstatic; the Apollonian found creative expression in
"dreams."
These were two approaches to reality itself: that of intoxication and that of
the dream." It was in the Greek drama that these two forces
resolved themselves
into a unified whole.12
Ecstaticism in the Old Testament
The frail of historical appearances of ecstaticism leads directly to
the Old Testament
prophets; indeed, Canaanite religion may have been the medium through which the
ecstatic movement filtered into Israel.12
The first reference to the ecstatic is found in Numbers 11:24-29.
This is a clear
picture of a frenzied,
involuntary utterance. The occasion was the selection of the seventy elders who
were to assist Moses in leadership responsibilities. Thse "seventy"
elders demonstrated ecstaticism as did Moses, Miriam and Aaron.13 It
appears that
Joshua did not know what to make of the experience.14 The account
indicates that
the seventy became frenzied on this one occasion only.
Eldad and Medad, who were
left behind at the camp, "prophesied." Moses recognized the validity
of the phenomenon and suggested that others seek the same experience.
The entire
episode is in no wise regarded as a psychopathic situation, and the account is
set in a religious context and given religious significance.
The
earliest detailed
examples of ecstaticism in the Hebraic tradition are to be found among the prophets. Originally the prophets went about in bands that formed a kind of
separate society within society. In keeping with this societal
status, the prophets
were commonly designated "sons of prophets"15,' by
subsequent generations.
Some scholars see the existence of bands of ecstatic prophets as late
as the time
of David.16 Possibly they lived together in communal
dwellings, and certainly they considered themselves to be inspired by
the Spirit.17
A central passage for ascertaining the nature of this inspiration is found in
I Samuel:
... you will meet a band of prophets coming down from the high place with harp, tambourine, flute, and lyre before them, prophesying. Then the spirit of the Lord will come mightily upon you, and you shall prophesy with them and be turned into another man.18
While it appears that Saul's behavior is spontaneous, the band of prophets has employed a certain "technique for bringing on the ecstatic condition."19 The resultant ecstasy is highly contagious, and Saul appears to be caught up in it. Music was commonly used to include this ecstasy.20 Also, among the earlier prophets as in the case of the Baal prophets, various drugs and wines were probably employed.21
Some scholars maintain that the term nabi itself is derived from the condition of ecstatic frenzy into which the subject passes; hence, the term denotes a "raving condition" or one who is "peculiarly susceptible to ecstatic excitement."22 W. F. Albright, however, contends that the central idea of the term is "one who is called" and concludes that
this interpretation of the word suits its meaning exactly; the prophet was a man who felt himself called by God for a special mission, in which his will was subordinated to the will of God, which was communicated to him by direct inspiration. The prophet was thus a charismatic spiritual leader...23
Other scholars hold
that ecstatic
forms of prophecy were native to Canaanite rather than Hebrew culture. Various
"pagan" parallels are cited,24 and generally it is assumed that the
Hebrew people first encountered the phenomenon at the time of the conquest and
during the settlement of Canaan.2' The difficulty with this notion is that some
of the earlier literary materials refer to similar phenomena in Irsael prior to
the time of the conquest .26 Moreover, succeeding generations became
so suspicious
of the ecstatic form of prophecy that the prophet was considered to
be "mad,"
and the prophet of the eighth century did not hesitate to say so.27
If the influence
of the later prophetic movement is to be seen in the Numbers account of Eldad
and Medad, it is most likely the writing into it of the distrust of
ecstatic prophecy
of that later time and not in the account of the prophecy itself. It appears,
then, that even though ecstatic experiences and states in prophecy can he more
fully documented in extracanonical literature, it does not necessarily follow
that no comparable phenomena existed in pre-conquest Israel.
External patterns of behavior, such as incoherent speech,
insensibility to pain,
wild leaping and contortions, and abnormal expressions, were manifested in the
ecstasy of both the Hebrew prophets and those of the Canaanites. It would have
been easy, therefore, for the two to merge into a kind of syncretistic form in
subsequent generations; and such was probably the case. There would
then develop
a reaction of true prophetic enthusiasm among the Hebrews against the
mystical-ecstatic
forms of Canaanite culture; however, this does not mean that there is
a resulting,
rigid distinction between the "cultic" and the "canonical"
prophets. On the contrary, there were definitely ecstatic features
among the writing
prophets.28 The difference lay in the fact that there was a
continuous, gradual,
but definite development away from ecstatic forms of prophecy toward the more
ordered form of discourse.29 By the time of the writing prophets
there was evidently
an intense dislike for the older form of spirit manifestation in prophecy that
allowed for little, if any, intelligible communication.
Gradually, through the sheer moral force and righteous living of
these great prophets,
the ecstatic manifestation of possession of the deity was replaced by
more moral
concepts of the divine indwelling of the Spirit. That is to say, ecstasy was no
longer held to be just fanatic behavior; on the contrary, the
objective "proof"
of possession issued forth in a state of spiritual exaltation for the
persuasive
communication of the message. This brought about the very evident and
continuous
resistance of the latter prophets to all abnormal demonstrations of
spirit possession.
Hosea notes that "the prophet is a fool, the man of the spirit
is mad,"30
while Jeremiah writes:
The Lord has made you priest instead of Jehoiada the priest, to have charge in the house of the Lord over every madman who prophesies, to put him in stocks and a collar.31
Developing, then, is a higher standard by which to evaluate spirit
possession-no
longer are ecstatic manifestations the sole criterion.
Ecstaticism in the Inter-Biblical Period
During the years between the writing of the major portions of the two
testaments,
there is not much literary evidence relating to frenzied,
inarticulate, ecstatic
speaking among the Jews. This scarcity may be due partly to the
policy of Jewish
religious leaders of the period. '32 although of more influence was the attitude
of suspicion concerning the validity of these phenomena.33
II Esdras affords one example of frenzied speech. In the account of
Ezra's ecstaticism,
the text reads:
Then I opened my mouth, and behold, a foil cup was offered to me; it was full of something like water, but its color was like fire. And I took it and drank; and when I had drunk it, my heart poured forth understanding, and wisdom increased in my breast, for my spirit retained its memory; and my mouth was opened, and was no longer closed.34
In the contemporary Graeco-Roman world frenzied speech in a religious context was not extraordinary, but rather commonplace.
In this case frenzied speech was induced through the use of drugs.
The remaining literary references to ecstatic speech are to be found
outside the
Hebraic tradition. In three separate instances, Plato reveals his knowledge of
ecstatic speech. In Phaedrus35 he discusses the question of
"madness."
He does this in terms of prophecy, inspiration, poetry, and love. In discussing
madness as prophecy, Plato alludes to the prophetess at Delphi, the priestess
at Dodona, and Sibyl, all of whom, he thinks, have conferred great
benefits upon
Hellas through their ecstatic speaking when out of their senses, but when not,
little or none. In connection with inspiration as madness, he refers to certain
families where madness has entered with holy prayers, rites, and by
inspired utterances.
For Plato, the contemporary poets were much akin to the prophets and
priestesses;
they created compositions during ecstatic trances and from ecstatic utterances.
In Plato's discussion there seems to be a link between ecstatic
speech and religions
significance. Also it should be noted that Plato himself regarded the persons
so gifted as of more value than the normal, sane persons.
In the Ion36 Plato further describes the poets when he likens them to
the Corybantian
revellers who became ecstatic both in action and in utterance. He
likewise compared
them with the Baeehi maidens of the Dionysian cult.
Again, in Timaeus37 he sought to draw a distinction between the diviner and the
true prophet. The diviner was pictured as similar to ecstatic persons-demented,
unable to evaluate the visions which he sees on the words which he utters. In
describing these diviners Plato ascribed to them certain features
similar to those
of glossnlaliaes: their speech being due to spirit possession; their
being unable
to discern what they said while in a given ecstatic mood; their state
being unconscious.
Plato recognized that many people had identified these diviners with
the prophets
of his own time, and so he was determined to draw a valid
distinction. It is strangely
similar to that distinction between prophets and glossolaliacs drawn
by St. Paul
in I Corinthians 14.
A final example of frenzied speech from nonHebraic sources during the
inter-biblical
period is found in the Aeneid.35 Virgil here refers to the Sibylline priestess
on the isle of Delos. She is pictured as attaining her ecstatic
speech in a haunted
cave. After the priestess was "unified" with the god
Apollo, she began
to speak ecstatically. At times this speech was intelligible, and at others it
was less coherent. The religious context and connotation of the story
are apparent.
These accounts from the inter-biblical period indicate the presence
of this frenzied,
inarticulate speech
in the Graeco-Roman world. It appears that in at least some cases
these practices
were connected with religion and were given a religious
interpretation and significance.
Ecstaticism in the First Century
Contrary to many modern writers,39 the case is not so easily made for
the existence
of parallels to glossolaha among the "religions of the first
century ."40
The sources dating from the first and second centuries of the Christian era; e.
g., Strabo, Plutarch, Pausanias and Philo, indicate that the
"oracles"
may have been an intelligible, though difficult, language.41 The
oracle at Delphi
was the most famous in the ancient world,42nd several scholars declare that
she uttered her prophecies in an ecstatic frenzy.43 T. K. Oesterreich, however
feels that no clear picture of the inspiraation at Delphi has yet been given.
"Everything," he continues, "is wrapped in obscurity
and contradiction.
Unfortunately, there is little known about her; there exists no
eyewitness's description
.........44
Strabo indicates that the Pythia at Delphia received the
"breath" that
inspired a "divine frenzy" and then uttered oracles in both verse and
prose.45 In addition, Plutarch refers to the emotional frenzy of the
mystery religions.
He quotes Herodotus regarding the rites of these groups: "Frenzy
and shouting
of throngs in excitement with tumultuous tossing of heads in the air."46
Strabo gives an account of the whirling of cymbals and clanging of
castanets that
were used in the worship of Dionysus, Cybele, and others.47 He also describes
the shouts of "ev-ah" and the stamping of feet that
produced a religious frenzy.48
It appears that women usually played the ecstatic part in Hellenistic religion,49
though Pansanias indictates that men once prophesied at Delphi.50
These women
who went into an ecstatic state for the purpose or oracular prophecy may well
have spoken in intelligible language, but nevertheless they were
obviously under
great emotional strain. Plutarch tells of one Pythia who went
berserk, frightening
the people who had come to consult the oracle as well as the male
interpreters.51
The cause of the ecstatic state in Greek religion was artificial and exterior
to the person involved. Erwin Rohde has described the wild frenzy, the use of
wine and drugs, and the use of dancing to induce the ecstasy.52
It seems that one can posit the existence of ecstatic, frenzied speech on the
basis of the extant records; however, it is too hypothetical to postulate that
this speech was the same as that in Acts and I Corinthians. It appears that the
Greeks were ecstatic, but that their speech was not always unintelligible. This
means that in the contemporary Graeco-Roman world frenzied speech in
a religious
context was not extraordinary, but rather commonplace. It means that the early
Christians may well have known of a religious phenomenon not wholly different
from what occurred on Pentecost.
FOOTNOTES
1"The Frenzied Youth" in the Report of Wenamon cited in
James Henry Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (5 vols.;
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1906), IV, 278.
2George A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible (7th ed.; Philadelphia: American
Sunday School Union, 1937), p. 453.
170
3
W. F. Alhright, From Stone Age to Christianity (2nd ed.; Baltimore:
John Hopkins
Press, 1946), pp. 304-305.
4Friedrich Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy, trans. Francis Golffing
(Garden City,
New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1956), p. 22.
5Harold H. Willoughby, Pagan Regeneration: A Study of Mys
tery Initiations in the Craeco-Roman World (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press,
1929), pp. 74-75.
6James B. Pratt, The Religious Consciousness (New York: Macmillan and Company,
1937), p. 167.
7Willoughby, op. cit., p. 79.
8Euripides, Bacchae, 862-865.
9Albright, op. cit., p. 305. Cf. also E. H. Dodds, "Maenadism
in the Bacchae," The Harvard Theological Review, XXXIII
(July, 1940), 155-176.
10Albright, toe. cit.
11For a fuller discussion see E. H. Dodds, The Greek and the
Irrational (Boston:
Beacon Press, 1951), passim.
12Cerhard von Had, Old Testament Theology, trans. D. M. C. Stalker (2
vols.; Edinburgh:
Oliver and Boyd, 1965), II, 8.
13Numbers 11:17; 11:26; 12:1, 12:2.
14Numbers 11:28.
152 Kings 2:3; 2:5; 2:6; 2:15; Amos 2:11; 7:14.
16Von Rad, op. cit., p. 10. Cf. Amos 7:14. Alfred Cuillaume,
Prophecy and Divination among the Hebrews and Other
Semites (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1938), pp. 144-145, claims that "in
853 B.C. four hundred prophet, raved in ecstasy before the gate of
Samaria."
17Cf. Walter Eiclsrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, trans.
J. A. Baker (2 vols.; Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1961), I, 315.
181 Samuel 10:5b-6, RSV.
l9Francis J. McCounell, The Prophetic Ministry (Nashville: Abingdon
Press, 1930),
p. 86. For further discussion of the relationship of glossolalia to
the prophets
see Emile Lombard, De la Clossolalie c/re, les premiers
Chrétiens (Lausanne: Bridel, 1910), pp. 189ff.
201 Samuel 10:5 refers to a "psaltry and a timbrel, and a pipe,
and a harp."Cf.
2 Kings 3:15.
21Theodore H. Robinson, Prophecy and the Prophets (London: Gerald Duckwurth and
Company, 1950), p. 32.
22Haruld Knight, The Hebrew Prophetic Consciousness (London: Lutterworth Press,
1947), p. 23.
23Albright, op. cit., p. 303.
24Hughel Fosbrake, "The Prophetic Literature," The Inter
preter's Bible (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1952), I, 202.
25 Robioson, op. cit., p. 33.
26Cf, Numbers 11:25-29.
27Hosea 9:7; Jeremiah 29:26; Cf. 2 Kings 9:11.
28For example, Ezekiel's psychic transports (Ezekiel 3:14; 11:5;
11:13; 37:1-10);
Jeremiah's emotional outbursts (Jeremiah 4:19; 8:18-9:1; 10:19-20); Isiahia's
vision in the temple (Isaiah 6:1-13); and Isaiah's mention of
prophetic babbings
(Isaiah 28:10-13).
29H. Wheeler Robinson, Inspiration and Revelation in the Old
Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), p. 175.
30Hosea 9:7b.
31Jeremiah 29:26.
32 Hzechariah 13:3.
33See Zechariah 13:3; 13:6;
Psalm 74:9.
342 Esdras 14:39-41.
35Plato, Phaedrsss, 244.
36Plato,
ion, 533-534.
37Plato, Timaeas, 71-72.
38Virgil, Aeneid, 259-260.
39Cf. Clarence T. Craig, "Exegesis: The First Epistle to the
Corinthians,"
The Interpreter's Bible (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1953), x, 146.
James Moffatt,
First Corinthians (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1933), pp. 207-208;
Jean Hiring,
The First Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians, trans. A. W. Heathcote and
P. J. Allcock (London: Epworth Press, 1962), p. 128; Maurice Barnett,
The Living
Flame (London: Epworth Press, 1953),
pp. 79-112.
40Eliat Andrews, "Tongues, Gift of," The Interpreter's Dic
tionary of the Bible, (4 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1962), H-H, 671.
41Cf. Plutarch, The Oracles at Delphi No Longer Given in Verse, 22.
42Richard Haywood, "The Delphic Oracle," Archaeology, V.
(Summer, 1952), 110-118.
43For example, cf. Moffatt, op. cit., p. 208. The same idea may be
seen in "The
Famous Oracle at Delphi," National Geographic Magazine, LXXXV
(March, 1944),
304.
44T. K. Oesterreich, Possession: Demonical and Other (New York: Richard Smith,
1930), p. 312.
45Strabo, Geography, IX, iii, 5.
46Plutarch, The Obsolescence of Oracles, 14.
47Strabo, Geography, X, iii, 13, 16.
4SIbid., X, iii, 15.
49Oesterrcich, op. cit.,
p. 311.
50Pausanias, Description of Greece, X, xii.
5lPlutarch, The
Obsolescence
of Oracles, 51.
52Erwin Rohde, Psyche (New York: Harconrt, Brace and Company, 1925), pp.257-60.